Friday, April 22, 2005

Rooting for Mr.Blair (Friedman)

April 22, 2005
OP-ED COLUMNIST

Sizzle, Yes, but Beef, Too

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By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

New York Times columnists are not allowed to endorse U.S. presidential candidates. Only the editorial page does that. But in checking the columnist rule book, I couldn't find any ban on endorsing a candidate for prime minister of Britain. So I'm officially rooting for Tony Blair.

I've never met Mr. Blair. But reading the British press, it strikes me that he's not much loved by Fleet Street. He's not much loved by the left wing of his own Labor Party either, and he certainly doesn't have any supporters on the Conservative benches. Yet he seems to be heading for re-election to a third term on May 5.

Indeed, I believe that history will rank Mr. Blair as one of the most important British prime ministers ever - both for what he has accomplished at home and for what he has dared to do abroad. There is much the U.S. Democratic Party could learn from Mr. Blair.

First, you don't have to be a conservative to be a conviction politician. For years Mr. Blair was derided by the press as "Tony Blur" - a man of no fixed principles, all sizzle and no beef, who dressed up the Labor Party as "New Labor," like putting lipstick on a pig, but never really made the hard choices or changes. The reality is quite different.

In deciding to throw in Britain's lot with President Bush on the Iraq war, Mr. Blair not only defied the overwhelming antiwar sentiment of his own party, but public opinion in Britain generally. "Blair risked complete self-immolation on a principle," noted Will Marshall, president of the Progressive Policy Institute, a pro-Democratic U.S. think tank.

Remember, in the darkest hours of the Iraq drama, when things were looking disastrous (and there have been many such hours), Mr. Bush could always count on the embrace of his own party and the U.S. conservative media machine and think tanks.

Tony Blair, by contrast, dined alone. He had no real support group to fall back on. I'm not even sure his wife supported him on the Iraq war. (I know the feeling!) Nevertheless, Mr. Blair took a principled position to depose Saddam and keep Britain tightly aligned with America. He did so, among other reasons, because he believed that the advance of freedom and the defeat of fascism - whether Islamo-fascism or Nazi fascism - were quintessential and indispensable "liberal" foreign policy goals.

The other very real thing Mr. Blair has done is to get the Labor Party in Britain to firmly embrace the free market and globalization - sometimes kicking and screaming. He has reconfigured Labor politics around a set of policies designed to get the most out of globalization and privatization for British workers, while cushioning the harshest side effects, rather than trying to hold onto bankrupt Socialist ideas or wallowing in the knee-jerk antiglobalism of the reactionary left.

The strong British economy that Mr. Blair and his deft finance minister, Gordon Brown, have engineered has led to spending on health and education - as well as on transportation and law and order - that has increased "much faster than under the Conservatives," The Financial Times noted on Wednesday. "The result has been numerous new and refurbished schools, dozens of new hospitals, tens of thousands of extra staff and much new equipment."

And these improvements, which still have a way to go, have all been accomplished so far with few tax increases. The vibrant British economy and welfare-to-work programs have, in turn, resulted in the lowest unemployment in Britain in 30 years. This has led to higher tax receipts and helped the government pay down its national debt. This, in turn, has saved money on both interest and welfare benefits - money that has been plowed back into services, The Financial Times explained.

In sum, Tony Blair has redefined British liberalism. He has made liberalism about embracing, managing and cushioning globalization, about embracing and expanding freedom - through muscular diplomacy where possible and force where necessary - and about embracing fiscal discipline.

Along the way, he has deftly eviscerated the Conservatives, leaving them with only their most fringe policies - another reason American Democrats could learn a lot from him. Their own ambivalence toward globalization and the new New Deal our country needs to make more Americans educated and employable in a world without walls, and their own ambivalence toward muscular diplomacy, cost Democrats just enough votes in the American center to allow a mistake-prone Bush team to squeak by in 2004. So if Mr. Blair does win in the U.K., I sure hope that Democrats in the U.S. are taking notes.

Rooting for the Good Guys (Friedman)

April 20, 2005
OP-ED COLUMNIST

Rooting for the Good Guys

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By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN

On the surface, the dramas playing out among Israeli Jews - over whether to withdraw from the Gaza Strip - and among Iraqi, Lebanese and Palestinian Arabs - over how to share power - may seem totally disconnected. But in fact they are all variations on a theme: can democracy really take root or thrive in the Middle East?

Lord knows, I am rooting for the good guys here. For me, the war in Iraq was always about democracy and the necessity of helping it emerge in the Arab-Muslim world. I am thrilled that things have come this far. This is the most interesting drama in the world today, but it's not over, because the forces opposing it are deep and virulent - virulent enough to stall it in the Arab world and to make it dysfunctional in Israel.

In Israel, the question is whether its democratic system can sustain the monumental decision to withdraw unilaterally from the Gaza Strip and all the Israeli settlements there. For the Iraqis, Palestinians and Lebanese, the question is whether these multiethnic communities can produce, through horizontal dialogues, a political arena where monumental decisions can be taken - decisions that are essential if these societies are to progress in the modern age. In short, can Arab society give birth to infant democracy in order to get healthy, and can Israel's adolescent democracy survive a monumental decision required for its society to stay healthy?

Let's start with the Jews. One of the criticisms leveled at Ariel Sharon over his decision to withdraw unilaterally from Gaza is that he has never fully spelled out the reasons for his epiphany. After all, Mr. Sharon not only helped build many of these settlements, but he consistently proclaimed the need to hold onto them, for security reasons, forever.

A leading Israeli columnist, Nahum Barnea of Yediot Aharonot, once described Mr. Sharon's sudden turnaround by quoting a lyric from a famous Israeli pop song: "What you see from here, you don't see from there."

What Mr. Barnea meant was that when Mr. Sharon finally became prime minister, with full responsibility for the Jewish state, he had to face squarely the reality that his predecessors had faced: the Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza was eroding the moral fiber of the Israeli Army, and, if sustained, would result in an apartheid situation - a minority of Jews would be ruling over a majority of Arabs between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea.

The Jewish settler movement in Israel has always been a minority. The Israeli majority went along with it - as long as there was no price. But now the price has become inescapable.

"There is something quite stunning when you think about it," the Israeli political theorist Yaron Ezrahi remarked. "Three Israeli prime ministers, [Yitzhak] Rabin, [Ehud] Barak and Sharon - all of them army generals, two from Labor one from Likud - all came to the same conclusion: that the occupation was unsustainable [from the point of view of] Israel's national defense." As a result, they all shifted from focusing on "wars of necessity to focusing on a peace of necessity," Mr. Ezrahi added. Mr. Sharon doesn't want to explain this about-face publicly, in part, I assume, because it suggests weakness - that Israel can't keep doing what it has been doing, and knows it.

But this withdrawal is a threat to the Jewish religious nationalists. Their goal is not peace, but to conquer Israeli society with their messianic vision and biblical map. They killed Mr. Rabin for getting in their way and have threatened to do the same to Mr. Sharon. Some of these settlers will not go down quietly.

Ditto in the Arab world. Democratic politics in the West is about horizontal bargaining between parties and civil organizations. Politics in places like Iraq and Palestine have been based for decades on "Oriental despotism" - top-down monologues by dictators buttressed by a politics of fear. What Iraqis and Palestinians are trying to do is make a transition from one system to the other. But the fundamentalists and Nasserites within their societies - who for years have been nourished by their Oriental despots as a way of keeping the people backward, divided and focused on the wrong things - are still powerful and virulent. They, too, will not go quietly. The more they are seen to be losing, the crazier they will get.

So this story is not over by a long shot. The birth of democracy in the Arab world and the sustaining of democracy in Israel are now on the table. I am an optimist about both in the long run - but brace yourself for the short run.

Monday, April 18, 2005

هل من المعقول - عبداللطيف الدعيج

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عبد اللطيف الدعيج

هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يعلن نائب في مجلس الامة ان الدستور «ليس هو الفيصل»، وينجح بعدها في دورتين متتاليتين؟.. هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يحيل رئيس اللجنة التشريعية البرلمانية مشروع قانون الى وزارة الاوقاف لاخذ موافقتها او بالاحرى لاستفتائها فيه؟!.. وهل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يجبر الناس على ان يدفعوا بالقوة ثمن تدريس اولادهم ترهات وخزعبلات لا مكان لها في عالم اليوم؟.. وهل من الطبيعي ان يسجن سنة ويغرم الفي دينار من يعترض سلميا على ذلك؟. هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي كفل فيه الدستور حق الآباء في تربية ابنائهم ان تفرض الدولة التعليم غير المختلط على كل الناس، الذين يستحوذون على المال العام لتدريس ابنائهم ام اولئك الذين يتصببون عرقا كي يوفروا لأبنائهم تعليما مناسبا؟ هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يكون لكل ثلاثين سنّيا مسجد بينما لا يتحصل كل ثلاثين الف شيعي الا على مسجد واحد؟.. وهل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي مواطنوه متساوون امام القانون ان يحرم القانون المسيحيين من قرع اجراس كنائسهم؟!

هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان تحشد وزارة التربية ابناء خلق الله في المسارح ليس لرؤية مسرحية جميلة او الاستمتاع باوبريت ممتع، ولكن للاصغاء الى تخاريف مهووس ديني والاستماع لشتائمه واستهزائه بمن ليس من ملته من المواطنين؟ هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يمنع الناسَ البعضُ من التجمع ومن التعبير عن آرائهم بينما يسمح للمحظوظين بأن يشتموا ويستهزئوا بالاخرين وتدفع لهم الحكومة اجرا على ذلك؟ هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يمثل الامة نواب نجحوا في انتخابات فرعية طائفية وقبلية؟ وهل من المعقول ان يعلنوا عن قبليتهم وطائفيتهم «اشكرة» تحت قبة البرلمان؟

هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان يحرض اعضاء البرلمان الحكومة على الحد من الحريات وعلى التدخل العلني غير الشرعي في حريات الناس الديموقراطية؟. هل من المعقول في بلد ديموقراطي ان تسكت «السلطة» عن هكذا مجلس.. ام ان السؤال من ساكت عن من.. او من يطمطم على خمال من؟!

Sunday, April 17, 2005

غباء برلماني

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Kuwait MPs panel backs jail terms over mobile phone pictures

Sat Apr 16, 4:50 PM ET

KUWAIT CITY (AFP) - A Kuwaiti parliamentary panel approved government proposed legislation laying down jail terms for people using bluetooth technology in mobile phones to take or circulate pictures without the subject's consent or for sexual blackmail.

MP Waleed al-Tabtabai, secretary of the panel dominated by Islamist lawmakers, told reporters the prison penalty was adopted due to the "dangers the growing phenomenon poses to the Kuwaiti society."

According to the bill, people who use the technology to take pictures of others without consent face up to two years in prison or a fine of 6,800 dollars.

Those who use it to circulate such pictures face five years jail while using bluetooth pictures to blackmail others into adultery carries a penalty of 10 years in prison, Tabtabai said.

The legislation will be effective after it is approved by parliament and signed by the emir.

The Gulf Arab state of Kuwait is a conservative Muslim emirate where alcohol and discos are banned.